| Period | Type | Revenue | Profit* | Margin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1950/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1951/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1952/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1953/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1954/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1955/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1956/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1957/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1958/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1959/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1960/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1961/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1962/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1963/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1964/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1965/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1966/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1967/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1968/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1969/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1970/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1971/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1972/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1973/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1974/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1975/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1976/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | ¥410B | ¥21B | 5.0% |
| 1977/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | ¥461B | ¥22B | 4.6% |
| 1978/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | ¥464B | ¥19B | 4.0% |
| 1979/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | ¥483B | ¥20B | 4.0% |
| 1980/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | ¥523B | ¥22B | 4.2% |
| 1981/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | ¥522B | ¥15B | 2.8% |
| 1982/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | ¥536B | ¥15B | 2.8% |
| 1983/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | ¥559B | ¥15B | 2.6% |
| 1984/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | ¥575B | ¥13B | 2.2% |
| 1985/4 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1986/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1987/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1988/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1989/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1990/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1991/3 | Non-consol. Revenue / Net Income | - | - | - |
| 1992/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥909B | ¥4B | 0.4% |
| 1993/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥940B | ¥6B | 0.5% |
| 1994/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥980B | ¥8B | 0.8% |
| 1995/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.0T | ¥20B | 1.9% |
| 1996/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.1T | ¥26B | 2.3% |
| 1997/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.0T | ¥29B | 2.7% |
| 1998/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.0T | ¥22B | 2.1% |
| 1999/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥977B | ¥15B | 1.5% |
| 2000/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥987B | ¥16B | 1.6% |
| 2001/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥994B | ¥10B | 0.9% |
| 2002/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥965B | ¥10B | 0.9% |
| 2003/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥926B | -¥8B | -0.9% |
| 2004/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥939B | ¥12B | 1.2% |
| 2005/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥994B | ¥118B | 11.8% |
| 2006/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.1T | ¥81B | 7.6% |
| 2007/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.1T | ¥76B | 6.7% |
| 2008/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.2T | ¥68B | 5.8% |
| 2009/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.1T | ¥48B | 4.3% |
| 2010/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥941B | ¥42B | 4.4% |
| 2011/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥947B | ¥55B | 5.7% |
| 2012/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.0T | ¥62B | 6.0% |
| 2013/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.2T | ¥74B | 6.0% |
| 2014/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.5T | ¥133B | 8.7% |
| 2015/3 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.6T | ¥140B | 8.8% |
| 2015/12 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.2T | ¥110B | 8.8% |
| 2016/12 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.6T | ¥132B | 8.2% |
| 2017/12 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.8T | ¥134B | 7.6% |
| 2018/12 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.9T | ¥139B | 7.4% |
| 2019/12 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.9T | ¥149B | 7.7% |
| 2020/12 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥1.9T | ¥129B | 6.9% |
| 2021/12 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥2.2T | ¥175B | 7.9% |
| 2022/12 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥2.7T | ¥156B | 5.8% |
| 2023/12 | Consolidated Revenue / Net Income | ¥3.0T | ¥238B | 7.8% |
The domestic production of cast iron pipes was a challenge so formidable that even a company with one million yen in capital failed within a year of establishment. Gonshiro Kubota, starting with no capital, no technical references, and no connections, independently established mass production technology over 7 years, securing 60% domestic share by 1912. This first-mover advantage extended beyond mere technical superiority. As the casting method Kubota developed became established as the industry standard, a structure emerged in which later entrants entered the market by receiving technology licenses from Kubota, creating the origin of an oligopolistic structure and cooperative relationships among a small number of companies in the cast iron pipe market.
In 1890 (Meiji 23), Gonshiro Kubota founded "Ote Imono (Kubota Iron Works)" as a sole proprietorship in Osaka. Kubota was around 19 years old at the time, and driven by a strong entrepreneurial spirit, he left the foundry where he had been apprenticed to start his own business. At his former employer, he had manufactured castings for "kankan (platform scales)," and after going independent, he continued making platform scales while also taking on export match manufacturing machinery (matchstick production), pursuing contract production leveraging cast iron technology.
The turning point came when Kubota noticed the growing adoption of waterworks. Cast iron pipes were a type of casting, but it was difficult to achieve the durability required for water pipes, and domestic production was considered impossible. There were no foreign techniques or reference materials available, and production technology had to be established through trial and error. Around the same time, a company called "Nihon Chuttetsu Goshi Kaisha," founded by a former Vice Admiral, invested one million yen in capital but went bankrupt within a year of establishment, and the domestic production of water pipes was seen as impossible.
Bank financing was not available in that era, and the business started with no acquaintances or customers. Nevertheless, Kubota began developing cast iron pipes in 1893, hiring engineers from the Osaka Artillery Arsenal and working to establish production technology independently without reference to foreign techniques.
After approximately 7 years of development, in 1897 Kubota developed the "mating mold oblique casting method" and succeeded in manufacturing cast iron pipes for the first time. Furthermore, in 1900, he devised the "cast iron pipe round-blow vertical casting method," establishing the prospect for mass production. When Kubota later visited Europe and America, he confirmed that the methods he had independently developed were not inferior to overseas technical standards, meaning he had established internationally competitive manufacturing methods without foreign technology.
With mass production technology established, in 1908 (Meiji 41), a large-scale factory called "Funadecho Plant" was constructed on a 12,000 sq.m site in Osaka's Minami-ku (Namba). It became known as "Kubota of Namba" in the prewar era. In the late Meiji period, Japan's waterworks penetration rate was only 8.4%, and municipalities across the country, including Tokyo and Osaka, were promoting waterworks development.
Leveraging its mass production capacity, Kubota developed sales channels to supply water pipes to municipalities nationwide. The casting method developed by Kubota—pouring molten iron into high-speed rotating molds—later became the industry standard, and Kubota established a position of providing technology licenses to other cast iron pipe manufacturers.
By 1912, Kubota's cast iron pipe production volume reached 40,000 tons, securing approximately 60% (first place) of domestic production share. By building a mass production system ahead of domestic competitors during the expansion of waterworks infrastructure, the company achieved a dominant position in the cast iron pipe market.
The technological capability and financial strength built through cast iron pipes became the foundation for Kubota's business diversification. Entering the Taisho era, as water pipe demand plateaued and raw material (pig iron) prices surged due to World War I, Kubota entered the machine tool business (lathes) in 1917. The Funadecho Plant was converted to "machinery-only" production, and cast iron pipe production was transferred to newly established Amagasaki Plant and Onkajima Plant.
In 1922, Kubota began producing small engines, laying the groundwork for its future agricultural machinery business. Gonshiro Kubota advocated that "we cannot rely solely on iron pipes," pursuing diversified management that expanded product lines with cast iron pipes at the core. Kubota's trajectory of expanding from water pipes to machinery and engines, starting from the foundational technology of castings, was funded by the monopolistic position and accumulated technical expertise in cast iron pipes established during this founding period.
The domestic production of cast iron pipes was a challenge so formidable that even a company with one million yen in capital failed within a year of establishment. Gonshiro Kubota, starting with no capital, no technical references, and no connections, independently established mass production technology over 7 years, securing 60% domestic share by 1912. This first-mover advantage extended beyond mere technical superiority. As the casting method Kubota developed became established as the industry standard, a structure emerged in which later entrants entered the market by receiving technology licenses from Kubota, creating the origin of an oligopolistic structure and cooperative relationships among a small number of companies in the cast iron pipe market.
Bank financing was not available in those days, and with no acquaintances or customers, everything was done entirely on my own. I started with cast iron pipes, but of course there was no one who knew anything about that field, no experienced people whatsoever, and there were no reference materials to speak of. It was just that waterworks construction had begun in Tokyo and Osaka, and water pipes were being imported little by little. I saw them with my own eyes, devised manufacturing methods, and produced them at the risk of my life.
Despite starting with neither capital nor technology, while a million-yen iron pipe manufacturing company in the Tokyo area went bankrupt due to technical difficulties, I somehow managed to make it through that thorny path.
Later, after we had developed products comparable to imports, I visited Europe and America (twice, in 1919 and 1927), and I was somewhat encouraged to discover that what we had been working out through trial and error here was by no means inferior to their technology or manufacturing methods. (Note: partially modernized from original text)
Gonshiro Kubota, who had established mass production technology for cast iron pipes without foreign technology over 7 years, could not resolve quality issues in automobiles despite approximately 12 years of effort. While cast iron pipes derived their competitive advantage from casting technology that could be completed in-house, automobiles required coordination with numerous parts manufacturers, and in Japan at the time, where the parts supply chain was immature, a single company's technical capabilities alone were insufficient. The fact that the business Kubota relinquished became the origin of Nissan Motor can be seen as a case where the withdrawal decision and choice of buyer shaped industrial history.
Foreseeing the spread of automobiles, Gonshiro Kubota invested in and established Jitsuyo Jidosha Seizo (Practical Automobile Manufacturing) in 1919, with himself as president. From 1920, production of a three-wheeled vehicle, the "Gorham-type tricycle," began at Kubota's Funadecho Plant, with sales handled by Yanase in the Tokyo area and Kubota headquarters in the Osaka area. Foreign engineers were hired for the company's establishment, and a production target of 50 units per month was set.
However, quality defects persisted, including the three-wheelers' tendency to roll over on curves, and sales did not expand. The foreign engineers soon resigned, and the quality of components constituting the vehicles could not be stabilized, resulting in production far below the target of 50 units per month. While Kubota had independently established production technology for cast iron pipes, automobiles required coordination with numerous parts manufacturers, and quality control of components became a major barrier.
In 1923, the company launched the four-wheeled "Lila" to attempt a recovery, but following the Great Kanto Earthquake in September of that year, GM and Ford entered the Japanese market in earnest, and high-quality imported automobiles gained consumer support. Kubota's automobiles, plagued by quality issues, also reached an impasse with four-wheeled vehicles and could not benefit from the domestic automobile market's growth.
In 1926, Kubota merged with Dat Jidosha Shokai, a Tokyo-based automobile manufacturer that was also in financial difficulty, to establish Dat Automobile Manufacturing. Gonshiro Kubota assumed the presidency of the new company, but management did not improve after the merger, and the disposition of the continuously loss-making automobile business became a pressing issue.
For Kubota, which had inherited cumulative losses from Jitsuyo Jidosha Seizo's founding, a rapid business turnaround amid fierce sales competition with foreign cars was deemed unlikely. During this period, Kubota had begun manufacturing agricultural small engines under the "Kubota Engine" brand, and the company solidified its policy of concentrating management resources on its core casting and machinery businesses.
In 1931, the Nissan zaibatsu, a new industrial conglomerate seeking entry into the automobile industry, decided to acquire the financially struggling Dat Automobile Manufacturing. Kubota transferred all its shareholdings to Tobata Imono (Tobata Casting), a Nissan affiliate, and decided to withdraw from the automobile manufacturing business.
Dat Automobile Manufacturing, which Kubota relinquished, was restructured under the Nissan zaibatsu. After coming under the umbrella of Tobata Casting, the company underwent several name changes and mergers before eventually being operated as Nissan Motor. The automobile business that Kubota abandoned was developed by its acquirer, Nissan, into one of Japan's leading automobile manufacturers.
For Kubota, the automobile business was a loss-making venture spanning approximately 12 years, during which the company attempted various turnaround measures including the transition from three-wheelers to four-wheelers and the merger with Dat Automobile, but could not compete with foreign cars in terms of both quality and cost. While Kubota had independently established technology for cast iron pipes, in the automobile industry—with its broad base of required components—the structural constraint of an immature parts supply chain proved impossible for a single company to overcome.
After withdrawing from the automobile business, Kubota concentrated resources on its core cast iron pipe and machinery businesses, using small engines as a stepping stone to build the foundation for its subsequent agricultural machinery business. Kubota's existence in the genealogy leading to the founding of Nissan Motor is recorded as such, and the circumstances of its entry and exit constitute a chapter in the history of Japan's automobile industry.
Gonshiro Kubota, who had established mass production technology for cast iron pipes without foreign technology over 7 years, could not resolve quality issues in automobiles despite approximately 12 years of effort. While cast iron pipes derived their competitive advantage from casting technology that could be completed in-house, automobiles required coordination with numerous parts manufacturers, and in Japan at the time, where the parts supply chain was immature, a single company's technical capabilities alone were insufficient. The fact that the business Kubota relinquished became the origin of Nissan Motor can be seen as a case where the withdrawal decision and choice of buyer shaped industrial history.
The unexpected natural disaster of the Great Kanto Earthquake struck, and afterward, as American automobiles were imported in large quantities and assembly plants were established, it became impossible to compete given the gap in technology and experience, and the business was gradually scaled down. It happened that around that time, Kubota had begun manufacturing small agricultural engines under the "Kubota Engine" brand, so the struggling Jitsuyo Jidosha Seizo barely maintained operations by taking on subcontracting of related parts and producing boat engines for the Navy. (...)
On Kubota's side, having inherited the cumulative losses since Jitsuyo Jidosha Seizo's founding and judging that a rapid business turnaround amid fierce sales competition with foreign cars could not be expected, the company decided to concentrate on its core business. At the end of August that year, all shareholdings were transferred to Tobata Casting, and the company withdrew from the automobile manufacturing business. "Dat Automobile Manufacturing" subsequently came under Tobata Casting's umbrella, merged with Ishikawajima Automobile Manufacturing in 1933 to become "Jidosha Kogyo Kabushiki Kaisha (Automobile Industries Co., Ltd.)," and after further twists and turns, became the predecessor of today's Nissan Motor Co., Ltd.
However, in telling the historical development of Japan's automobile industry, the name Jitsuyo Jidosha Seizo Kabushiki Kaisha is immortal, and if we suppose that Kubota had not withdrawn and had instead continued to pursue this business with determination, it is conceivable that the company might have altered a few pages of the history of the domestic automobile industry, riding the momentum following the Manchurian Incident.
The cast iron pipe market, which had been distributed among four companies in 1926, became fixed as a duopoly of Kubota 69% and Kurimoto Iron Works 31% following the acquisition of Sumidagawa Seitetsujo (1927) and the withdrawal of Kamaishi Mine (1930). This long-term fixation of only two companies' market shares under the sales format of municipal tendering became the breeding ground for an underground cartel lasting approximately 40 years. Meanwhile, Taizo Odawara's track record in the turnaround also served as a career stepping stone that paved the way for his later appointment as president.
Kubota decided to acquire Sumidagawa Seitetsujo (located in Terashima, Mukojima-ku, Tokyo; 600 employees), which held the second-largest domestic share in cast iron pipes, for 850,000 yen. Around 1926, cast iron pipe market shares were: Kubota 42% (No. 1), Kurimoto Iron Works 27% (No. 2), Sumidagawa Seitetsujo 16% (No. 3), and Kamaishi Mine 15% (No. 4). The acquisition pushed Kubota's share above 50%.
Sumidagawa Seitetsujo had fallen into financial distress due to strikes and quality defects, which provided the backdrop for the sale. The factory's location in Terashima was an area with strong leftist influence, and after three strikes, employee morale was low and productivity had declined significantly. Kubota made the decision to acquire this struggling company with the premise of restructuring it.
Taizo Odawara (age 36 at the time) was dispatched from Kubota to lead the turnaround. Odawara later recounted that upon arrival, the factory's dire conditions far exceeded his expectations. He first addressed the disposal of defective inventory and secured employee cooperation by offering concrete incentives such as guaranteed salary increases after the turnaround was complete. Additionally, he demonstrated leadership through measures such as paying out profits from efficiency improvements on the same day.
Through Odawara's management skills, Sumidagawa Seitetsujo's productivity recovered to a level comparable to Kubota's Amagasaki Plant. In 1930, the fourth-ranked Kamaishi Mine withdrew from cast iron pipe manufacturing, and from the 1930s onward, domestic cast iron pipe market shares became fixed at "Kubota 69%, Kurimoto Iron Works 31%" for an extended period. Notably, Odawara later became president of Kubota based on his track record in this turnaround.
The cast iron pipe market, which had been distributed among four companies in 1926, became fixed as a duopoly of Kubota 69% and Kurimoto Iron Works 31% following the acquisition of Sumidagawa Seitetsujo (1927) and the withdrawal of Kamaishi Mine (1930). This long-term fixation of only two companies' market shares under the sales format of municipal tendering became the breeding ground for an underground cartel lasting approximately 40 years. Meanwhile, Taizo Odawara's track record in the turnaround also served as a career stepping stone that paved the way for his later appointment as president.
Although I had steeled myself, the constant state of disrepair far exceeded my expectations. Near the Shira■-bashi bridge along the Sumida River, people who had been fired through three strikes were milling about everywhere. At that time, Sumida-cho, Terashima was practically a den of socialists and other leftists, and if you let your guard down even slightly, those leftist elements might stir up trouble again. Naturally, employee morale was low, and there was not a shred of company loyalty to be found. (...)
I wondered whether such a factory could ever be turned into something viable, and overwhelmed with worry, I collapsed into my inn room. Lying there, I fell deep into thought.
The North American agricultural machinery market was dominated by large equipment manufacturers led by John Deere, and while Yanmar entered through an OEM partnership, Kubota chose independent entry under its own brand. The core of this strategy was entering through the niche market of small residential agricultural machinery where competitors were sparse, structurally avoiding direct competition with major players. By selecting a segment where the company could leverage its domestically cultivated small tractor technology, the approach was designed to develop overseas sales channels while minimizing additional product development investment.
Kubota determined that domestic agricultural machinery adoption had peaked and decided to focus on developing overseas markets. Throughout the 1960s, the agricultural machinery division's revenue expanded, growing to account for 35% of total company revenue by around 1970, but domestic rice-farming mechanization was nearing completion. President Keitaro Hiro stated that "replacement demand will arrive in no more than 5 years" and expressed the need to secure overseas markets by then.
In 1972, Kubota established its U.S. subsidiary "Kubota Tractor Corp." and in 1974 established Kubota Europe S.A.S. to set up operations in Europe. In 1976, the company listed its shares on the New York Stock Exchange to raise brand awareness in the U.S. market. Around the same time, competitor Yanmar entered North America through an OEM partnership with major American agricultural machinery maker John Deere, taking a different approach to overseas expansion than Kubota.
Kubota decided on independent entry into the U.S. market. While Yanmar entered through an OEM partnership with John Deere, Kubota chose to expand under its own brand. While John Deere's core products were large agricultural machinery for farmers, Kubota introduced small residential agricultural machinery (for home gardening and lawn mowing), adopting an entry strategy that structurally avoided direct competition with large equipment manufacturers.
President Keitaro Hiro stated that "even on large farms, there are plenty of areas where nimble machinery work is needed," envisioning demand development for large farms through the expansion of small tractor attachment applications. On the production side, Kubota constructed the Tsukuba Plant (tractors) in 1975 and the Sakai Rinkai Plant (engines) in 1985, establishing supply infrastructure for overseas markets. By selecting a segment where the company could leverage its domestically cultivated small tractor technology, the strategy was designed to penetrate overseas markets while minimizing additional development investment.
The North American agricultural machinery market was dominated by large equipment manufacturers led by John Deere, and while Yanmar entered through an OEM partnership, Kubota chose independent entry under its own brand. The core of this strategy was entering through the niche market of small residential agricultural machinery where competitors were sparse, structurally avoiding direct competition with major players. By selecting a segment where the company could leverage its domestically cultivated small tractor technology, the approach was designed to develop overseas sales channels while minimizing additional product development investment.
Going forward, the U.S. market will grow, followed a bit later by the Southeast Asian market. Currently, small machinery is used for flower gardens in France and home gardening and lawn mowing in the U.S. However, I believe that if we develop small tractor attachments (accessory equipment), we can steadily develop demand for large farms. Even on large farms, there are plenty of areas where nimble machinery work is needed. (...)
(Regarding the Japanese domestic market) Mechanization of rice farming is virtually complete now. So what remains are issues of market penetration and development of higher-performance models, and that will continue indefinitely, but demand will eventually peak. Machinery will become obsolete and turnover will occur, creating replacement demand. That time will come in no more than 5 years. Until then things will be fine, but by that point we need to have developed overseas markets.
The cast iron pipe market was a three-company oligopoly, but the driving force behind cartel maintenance was not merely a habitual practice of bid-rigging. Rather, it was the dependent relationship in which Kubota's casting technology became the industry standard and the other two companies received technology licenses from Kubota. This technological master-subordinate relationship made share allocations "naturally settle," structurally stabilizing the illegal conduct for approximately 40 years. The mass production technology for cast iron pipes that Gonshiro Kubota independently established in 1890 not only secured a 60% market share but also became the origin of the cartel structure uncovered a century later.
The cast iron pipe market was an oligopoly handled by only three companies: Kubota, Kurimoto Iron Works, and Nippon Chutetsukan. Around 1960, when Nippon Chutetsukan fell into a management crisis, an industry-wide coordination (underground cartel) was formed. A share allocation rule was established—Kubota 63%, Kurimoto Iron Works 27%, and Nippon Chutetsukan 10%—and this illegal cartel was operated for approximately 40 years.
The specific method involved the sales department heads of the three companies gathering in Tokyo in advance of each municipality's (such as Kobe City or Tokyo Metropolitan Government) water pipe tendering, determining policies and deciding which company would win each bid. Detailed bid prices were coordinated by sales staff from each company over the phone. This coordination know-how was reportedly passed down across generations among the sales representatives of each company.
The cartel's foundation lay in the industrial structure where Kubota held overwhelming superiority in cast iron pipe manufacturing technology and the other two companies had received technology licenses from Kubota. A former executive of Nippon Chutetsukan stated, "Kubota's presence was enormous. Even if you rebelled, you couldn't prevail against Kubota. The share allocations naturally settled as a matter of survival wisdom," indicating that the power dynamic rooted in technological dependence sustained the cartel.
In February 1999, the Japan Fair Trade Commission (JFTC) confirmed the existence of an underground cartel in water pipes spanning approximately 30 years and filed criminal charges against Kubota, Kurimoto Iron Works, and Nippon Chutetsukan for suspected violations of the Antimonopoly Act. The domestic cast iron pipe market was valued at approximately 115 billion yen at the time, and the JFTC judged the impact to be widespread and the conduct to be particularly egregious, proceeding with the unusual step of criminal prosecution.
Following the charges, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office Special Investigation Division launched an investigation, and all three companies were subjected to search and seizure. From Kubota, three department and section-level managers—the "Tokyo Head Office Iron Pipe Sales Department 1 Manager," "Department 2 Manager," and "Department 1 Section 1 Chief"—were arrested, with a total of 10 sales personnel across the three companies being arrested. The case became known as the "Ductile Cast Iron Pipe Share Allocation Cartel Case."
At Kubota, Chairman Shigekazu Mino and President Kohei Mitsui resigned to take responsibility for the water pipe cartel. They were replaced by Osamu Okamoto (former Vice President) as Chairman and Yoshikuni Dobashi (former Senior Managing Director) as President, resulting in a complete change of the top management including the chairman.
In December 1999, the JFTC ordered the three companies to pay a combined 11 billion yen in surcharges. Of this amount, Kubota received a surcharge order of 7,072,080,000 yen. Kubota contested this decision by requesting a re-examination, taking the matter to court.
The legal battle proceeded through the Supreme Court, with a 2009 hearing ruling ordering surcharge payment, a 2010 Tokyo High Court ruling dismissing the appeal, and a 2012 Supreme Court decision dismissing the further appeal. Following the confirmation of the surcharge, Kubota recorded an extraordinary loss of 7.2 billion yen as "Antimonopoly Act surcharge" in FY2009 (ending March). Approximately 13 years elapsed from the initial charges to the final surcharge confirmation.
The water pipe cartel revelation was not a one-time incident for Kubota. From the 2000s onward, bid-rigging scandals in public facility-related businesses emerged in succession: in 2007, the company faced JFTC on-site inspections for gas polyethylene pipes, steel sheet piles, and rigid PVC pipes, and received a business suspension order for human waste treatment facilities, as compliance issues surfaced in a chain reaction.
The cast iron pipe market was a three-company oligopoly, but the driving force behind cartel maintenance was not merely a habitual practice of bid-rigging. Rather, it was the dependent relationship in which Kubota's casting technology became the industry standard and the other two companies received technology licenses from Kubota. This technological master-subordinate relationship made share allocations "naturally settle," structurally stabilizing the illegal conduct for approximately 40 years. The mass production technology for cast iron pipes that Gonshiro Kubota independently established in 1890 not only secured a 60% market share but also became the origin of the cartel structure uncovered a century later.
Kubota, the ringleader, developed the technology of pouring molten iron into high-speed rotating molds to manufacture cast iron pipes, and this became the industry standard. Consequently, the other two companies had received extensive technology licensing from Kubota, which is believed to have enabled the illegal cartel to continue centered around Kubota.
Regarding these circumstances, a former executive of Nippon Chutetsukan stated, "Kubota's presence was enormous. Even if you rebelled, you couldn't prevail against Kubota. As a kind of survival wisdom—a matter of staying alive—the share allocations naturally settled" (February 4, NHK Television), while a former vice president of Kubota also stated, "Well, to put it simply, it's not impossible to do it as a single-company monopoly—in both sales and production. But if we did that..." (same program), suggesting that the three-company coordination was the most desirable arrangement for the industry.
Thus, every year around July to August, the sales department heads of each of the three companies would gather in Tokyo to confirm the cartel's terms, and each time a municipal tender was conducted, the companies' sales staff would make frequent phone calls to coordinate bid prices.
Following the JFTC's criminal prosecution, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office Special Investigation Division appears to have commenced search and seizure operations against the three companies on the afternoon of the 5th.
While Komatsu had been advancing IT utilization since the 2000s, including construction machinery utilization rate monitoring, Kubota continued independently operating different systems across six business domains. The investment scale of 37 billion yen over 7 years corresponds to a large-scale project with an average of approximately 400 external personnel on-site monthly. Having recognized the "20-year gap" with Komatsu, the decision to pursue company-wide integration in one comprehensive effort using SAP and Microsoft as platforms, rather than incremental updates, was a design aimed at achieving a generational leap in a single stroke.
Kubota operated across six business domains, but each domain ran different core systems independently, making company-wide integration of management information a challenge. Komatsu, a competitor in the construction machinery segment, had been accelerating IT-driven business operations since the 2000s, including construction machinery utilization rate monitoring, while Kubota lagged in IT investment. Internally, the perception that "we are 20 years behind Komatsu" was widely shared.
In response to this situation, the company decided to launch a core system renewal project spanning seven years from December 2019 to December 2026. In March 2020, partnerships were formed with SAP (implementing SAP S/4HANA) and Microsoft (utilizing Microsoft Azure), and IBM Japan became the support partner through a referral from SAP. The planned investment was projected at 37 billion yen through 2026.
The 37 billion yen investment, converted at a unit cost of one million yen per person-month, corresponds to approximately 37,000 person-months. Divided by the cumulative approximately 84 months over 7 years, this translates to an estimated monthly average of around 400 external personnel engaged in renewal work—a large-scale project. As the system integration spanned six business domains, teams needed to be deployed across each area, and the complexity of project management exceeded that of a typical system renewal.
For Kubota, the core system renewal meant integrating management information that had been fragmented across business domains. Having recognized the gap with Komatsu's lead in IT infrastructure, the decision to opt for a comprehensive seven-year overhaul rather than incremental updates was designed as an investment to close approximately 20 years of lag in one go. The adoption of two global standards—SAP S/4HANA and Microsoft Azure—reflects a policy of relying on external platforms rather than in-house development.
While Komatsu had been advancing IT utilization since the 2000s, including construction machinery utilization rate monitoring, Kubota continued independently operating different systems across six business domains. The investment scale of 37 billion yen over 7 years corresponds to a large-scale project with an average of approximately 400 external personnel on-site monthly. Having recognized the "20-year gap" with Komatsu, the decision to pursue company-wide integration in one comprehensive effort using SAP and Microsoft as platforms, rather than incremental updates, was a design aimed at achieving a generational leap in a single stroke.
We are 20 years behind Komatsu.
From its 2008 entry into India, Kubota struggled for 14 years with self-reliant market penetration, reaching only a 2% share. The towing power and low prices that Indian farmers demanded from tractors were fundamentally at odds with Kubota's lightweight, compact product design, and the import structure from Thailand also failed to secure cost competitiveness. The ultimate resolution of acquiring Escorts to obtain the local products, supply chain, and customer base wholesale was a shift in market entry methodology, acknowledging the limits of self-sufficiency.
In 2008, Kubota established a local subsidiary in India and commenced full-scale sales in the Indian market. India's market was divided between upland farming in the north and rice farming in the south, and Kubota planned to expand sales starting from the south, where it could leverage its expertise in rice farming. The company introduced lightweight, compact tractors and targeted sales expansion in the south.
However, throughout the 2010s, Kubota struggled with sales in the Indian market. The primary reason was Kubota's failure to understand local needs. In India, tractors were used not only for farming but also as towing vehicles for cargo, and Kubota's tractors could not meet the demand for towing power. Additionally, because sales volumes were insufficient to justify local production, tractors were imported from Thailand, putting the company at a cost disadvantage against local manufacturers.
As a result, Indian farmers chose tractors from local manufacturer Mahindra & Mahindra (M&M), and Kubota's share in India stagnated at around 2% as of 2021. M&M held approximately 40% domestic share in India (as of 2023) as the market leader, and had also entered the Japanese market through a partnership with Mitsubishi Agricultural Machinery in 2015, pursuing global expansion.
In April 2022, Kubota acquired a 44.8% stake in Indian agricultural machinery manufacturer Escorts. The acquisition price was 195 billion yen, making it a large-scale acquisition for Kubota. Goodwill of 139 billion yen was recorded in connection with the acquisition. Although the equity stake was below 50%, Kubota consolidated Escorts as a subsidiary by dispatching directors.
The acquisition of Escorts signified Kubota's abandonment of self-reliant market penetration in India. The company's own products could not address the towing power and price range demanded by Indian farmers, and it was unable to independently build the parts supply chain essential for local production. Escorts had strengths in manufacturing and developing "basic tractors" for emerging markets with restrained functionality and pricing, complementing the product gap that Kubota could not fill on its own.
For the post-acquisition management of Escorts, Nikhil Nanda, a member of the Escorts founding family, was retained as CEO. Kubota chose a policy of maintaining local management expertise and customer base while securing management control.
Through the Escorts acquisition, Kubota's share in India expanded from approximately 2% to approximately 12%. Escorts was the fourth-largest company in India's tractor market, and the acquisition increased share sixfold at a stroke.
Kubota continued aggressive investment after the Escorts acquisition and announced a management target to "secure 24% share in India by 2030." In August 2024, three Indian local subsidiaries were integrated to advance unified operations of Kubota Group's India business. Furthermore, the company articulated a strategy of exporting basic tractors from India as a production base to new markets such as Europe and Africa.
Kubota's experience in the Indian market illustrates the limitations of bringing advanced-market products directly to emerging markets. The lightweight, compact features that were Kubota's strengths did not match Indian usage patterns that demanded towing power from tractors, and the cost disadvantage of importing from Thailand compounded the problem, resulting in 14 years of stalled market penetration. The ultimate resolution through acquisition of a local manufacturer to secure market share represented a shift away from the self-sufficient approach of completing product development in-house.
From its 2008 entry into India, Kubota struggled for 14 years with self-reliant market penetration, reaching only a 2% share. The towing power and low prices that Indian farmers demanded from tractors were fundamentally at odds with Kubota's lightweight, compact product design, and the import structure from Thailand also failed to secure cost competitiveness. The ultimate resolution of acquiring Escorts to obtain the local products, supply chain, and customer base wholesale was a shift in market entry methodology, acknowledging the limits of self-sufficiency.
When we first entered the market, hand-transplanting rice seedlings was the norm in Indian paddies. When we brought Kubota tractors into the paddies for puddling, I remember being struck by the farmers' reaction: "This is convenient." We charged in high spirits, thinking "If we bring in our lightweight, compact tractors, we should be able to capture significant share," but as the saying goes, "easier said than done"—sales were a continuous struggle. The reasons were differences in tractor usage, an incomparably higher level of required durability, and above all, the cost problem of producing in Thailand and shipping to India.
From that situation, we explored the possibility of local production in India. However, building a parts supply chain from scratch locally was no easy feat, and there was a period of twists and turns. In response, by establishing a joint venture with the then Escorts Ltd.—which had a supply chain in India and could manufacture relatively inexpensive products—we began to see a path to conquering India, the world's largest tractor market by unit sales. Furthermore, in 2022, we made the current Escorts Kubota Ltd. a consolidated subsidiary, accelerating our global strategy with India as the starting point, and opportunities to export from India to Europe have been increasing.
For about 10 years after entry, our tractor share in India remained at just a few percent, but as of 2023, the Kubota Group's overall share in the Indian market has reached approximately 12%. Going forward, we aim to double our combined share in India by 2030, and beyond domestic Indian business, we plan to further accelerate overseas expansion by exporting inexpensive basic tractors to Europe, the Americas, and new markets such as Africa.